- Why Mortgage-Backed Securities Aren’t (Backed by Securities): How MERS Toasted the Banks
- Bear Stearns Asset Backed Securities Trust 2005-4 v. EMC Mortgage Corp | JPMorgan Sued for $95 Million Over Mortgage Securities
- Another Wrist Slap | Wells Fargo Agrees to “Settle” with SEC for $11 million on Wachovia Securities Laws Violations Involving Mortgage-Backed Securities
Bloomberg’s Editorial On MBS Failures – The First Time Mortgage-Backed Securities Failed
The Settlement Would Require Massachusetts, Nevada and Arizona, Which Have Sued Banks Involved in the Talks, to Settle those Cases
- Settlement FAIL | Banks Get Edge in Talks on Foreclosure Penalties as Feds Settle
- Here We Go Again | Banks, SEC in Talks to “Settle” Fraud Allegations Relating to the Sale of Toxic Mortgage Bonds
- Florida AG Pam Bondi Interested in Alternative Settlement with Banks that Does NOT Require Servicers to Pay Fines
American Capitalism: Profit, But Fairly
Adam Davidson wrote up an interesting apologia for Wall Street in the NY Times last week, which I think is ultimately a call for better regulation, rather than bank-hating. I missed the piece originally, but Yves Smith found it and has nothing good to say about it. I think Yves is a little too harsh on Davidson. I've got issues with parts of the piece, but on different grounds, namely that it efuses to engage on the real issue. The problem isn't financial intermediation. That's a perfectly fine thing that plays a useful role in society.
Instead, the problem is when financial intermediaries do not treat the intermediating parties (meaning consumer and investors) fairly. The history of US financial services is nothing short of a history of scandals involving financial institutions variously ripping off investors and consumers. I'm not just talking about those scandals we remember, like Milken or Madoff or the recent slew or even the second tier ones like the Salad Oil scam or all of 1920s mortgage bonds. The history of US financial services is largely a history of unregulated innovation resulting in abuse and then follow-up regulatory reform. Lather, rinse, wash, repeat.
Davidson argues that the reason to "hate the banks" is that
Wall Street firms enforce the cold rules of capitalism: hostile takeovers, foreclosures, fee increases, defaults. But those rules clearly do not apply to the largest banks themselves.
Davidson misses the mark here a bit. It's not just that the banks get bailed out, meaning that the rules of market discipline don't apply to them. It's that the banks frequently break the rules when applied to others. It's fine to do foreclosures or hostile takeovers or sell consumers speculative securities. But it's not ok to foreclose without following the law or to profit on insider knowledge on hostile takeovers or or to sell investors "safe" assets when you know they are junk.
The fundamental rule of American capitalism is "profit, but fairly." Whatever one thinks is "fair", I don't think there should be much disagreement that Wall Street too often disregards the second part of this dictum to focus on the first. But take away the "but fairly" and society quickly becomes a Gilded Age baronial kleptocracy, a post-Soviet (or pre-Soviet) Russia. If we want capitalism to work--meaning that there is social stability, pace OWS--market players must play by the rules. This is where the debate needs to be focused: ensuring that our financial intermediaries play by the rules.
Davidson could use a little work on his history. Consider his arguments about the importance of Wall Street for fighting poverty, innovation, funding socially beneficial projects, and for the existence of the middle class. All seem quite debatable to me.The Poor Would Stay Poor?
Davison argues that Wall Street has helped the poor:
In the U.S., we use credit cards, mortgages, credit scores, securitized loans and other Wall Street innovations to do the miraculous: to persuade some institution with a lot of money to hand it over to someone who doesn’t have that much.
This is just ridiculous. First, the poor still generally do not get credit and when they do, it is of dubious value to them. For the poor, credit may help with today's problem, but it becomes tomorrow's problem, not least because of the terms on which it is offered, which are often based as much on market power, not risk-based pricing. Second, it often isn't Wall Street that's funding the loans--it is investors, with Wall Street taking a commission, meaning no skin-in-the-game. The result is what we saw in the housing bubble--Wall Street fleecing investors by brokering unsustainable loans to homeowners. Finally, Davidson presents no case that any of these innovations help the poor. If you want to look at programs that have been successful at raising living standards and eradicating poverty in the US, you need to look at government programs like the TVA (which for all of its controversy resulted in electricity and employment and a decline in malaria in the Tennessee valley).
Innovation?
We have seen some innovation in consumer finance over the past century, no doubt. As for innovation, how much has really benefitted consumers, as opposed to benefitting Wall Street? No doubt we have much greater convenience in payments due to plastic and ACH. But what else? The payment-option ARM? Yes, an innovation. But a good one? Credit life insurance? Cash-out refinancings? We have Paul Volcker's famous comment that the last major innovation in consumer finance was the ATM. I'd say that's more or less correct. Consider the cutting edge innovations of today--mobile payments, contactless, etc. None of them are game changers.
Beyond that, let's give credit where it's due. Some of the greatest innovation has been by the government, not by Wall Street. Securitization, in its modern form, is a government invention (Ginnie Mae!). Likewise, the 30-year fixed-rate mortgage is a government creation (a genesis from the HOLC to the FHA to the VA). Suburban housing--financed originally by the FHA. Other innovations have been made possible only because of implicit governmental backing (e.g., money market mutual funds, which also benefit from an accounting treatment exception). Par clearing payment systems (meaning when you pay $100, the payee gets $100 credited, not $90), are a function of the Federal Reserve.
No Awesome Things?
Davidson is on his strongest ground when he argues that but for Wall Street, lots of cool projects would never be funded. No Facebook, no Apple, no mobile phones, etc. I can't disagree with him that businesses need funding, and that financial intermediation by Wall Street enables this to happen on a much larger scale than otherwise. But whether it is being done fairly is another question, and that's where my issue lies.
This is not my particular area of academic focus, so others may have better examples, but consider IPOs, which are the intermediation par excellence, of shifting funding from limited private sources to public sources. That's fine, but the intermediaries frequently engage in insider trading on the IPOs. And again, remember that government plays a role in all of this, with support for small businesses, ranging from tax breaks for partnerships and S-corporations to SBA-loan guarantees and industry specific (e.g., solar) loan guarantees.
No Middle Class?
What about the "there would be no middle class" meme? This is a very debatable counterhistory. Consumer credit enabled greater consumption by the middle class, but consumer credit isn't free. It just shifts consumption between time periods. The US had a well-established middle class by the end of the 19th century (and arguably much earlier). It grew substantially in the 20th century, but the GI Bills and post-War employment boom and unionization had as much to do with that as anything.
Still, consumer credit played a role, but that role can't be attributed solely to Wall Street. The original consumer credit wasn't Wall Street. It was companies like Singer Sewing Machines or Sears Roebuck and employer- and community-based credit unions. Banks didn't do consumer finance for quite a while. If you look at the source of mortgage loans historically, the "household sector" was a major provider well into the 1950s, meaning that you would get a mortgage from the rich guy down the street or from your uncle, etc., rather than from a bank. As for other financial services, they can, have been, and are often provided not by the private sector, but by the government. Recall that we had a US Postal Service Bank from 1911-1968, that at one point had 20% of deposits and innovated deposit by mail (the postal bank was the Republican counter-proposal to federal deposit insurance!). Most of the rest of the world still has postal banking systems. (Yes, I'm working on a project about this.) The government supports payment systems via the Fed, and housing finance via deposit insurance, FHA, VA, FHLBs, and Fannie/Freddie.
This is hardly a system of pure private capitalism. And if government is going to be assuming some of the risks, it will, not surprisingly dictate some of the terms on which services are offered, both to manage its risk and to further its policies; government support comes with strings attached.
Bottom line here is that the benefits of increasingly specialized financial intermediation are questionable, and the role of government in financial intermediation and development is often overlooked. Privatized financial intermediation often means privatization of gains and socialization of losses, as we have recently seen. More critically, though, absent vigorous regulation, it easily dissolves into a system of profit über alles, in which rules of fair play (and we can debate just what those should be) are disregarded as inconvenient. For capitalism to work in a democracy, it is necessary that everyone play by the rules of the game.
60 Minutes Overtime | Behind the Financial Crisis: A Fraud Investigator Talks
IndyMac | Financial Finger-Pointing Turns to Regulators
- SEC Charges Former IndyMac Executives With Securities Fraud
- Report | WALL STREET AND THE FINANCIAL CRISIS: Anatomy of a Financial Collapse
- AFR Letter to Congress RE H.R.1315 That Would Handcuff Consumer Financial Protection Bureau and Give Discredited Banking Regulators Vast Power to Block Needed Protections
NY Times | A.I.G. to Sue Bank of America Over Mortgage Bonds
Americans Get Screwed- The Servicers and Con Artists And Wall Street Fat Cats Make Billions
Everybody, and I mean Everybody now knows and acknowledges what I, and a handful of attorneys, activists, bloggers and internet crackpots and alarmists have been screaming for years now—THE BULK OF THE SUBPRIME MORTGAGE INDUSTRY IS AND HAS BEEN A MASSIVE BAJILLION DOLLAR SCHEME TO ROB AMERICA OF BAJILLIONS OF DOLLARS
Read Chain of Blame and The Big Short and watch House of Cards for detailed and sickening analysis that supports that dramatic and broad statement. I have additional gut feelings and opinions based solely on my 8th grade level economic analysis that goes something like this:
The US failed to create real jobs, industry and economic growth to pay for the absurd prosperity of the last decade. Quite simply Americans didn’t work harder or create more to entitle us to the dramatic increase in creature comforts and standard of living we instantly became entitled to with a fury beginning around 2000. The fact that we didn’t actually earn this new prosperity didn’t stop all of America from partaking in it….we just took out the collective American credit card and borrowed it all….to the tune of trillions of dollars. A massive bulk of the American economy is based not on what we produce or what we are actually entitled to use or consume, but what we’ve all borrowed….the American economy in 2000-2010 was like a coke addict with a wide open tab at a casino in Vegas–whooppiee!
Anywhoo, all this fun and games and the entire American economy…trillions of dollars in real mortgage debt (evidenced by MERS based mortgages) was converted into mystical, magical mortgage bonds and floating paper and pools of billions of dollars of debt that was traded around the world through shadowy, amorphous, shifting trusts. The originators of all this debt (the original subprime lenders) are long, long gone. The initial aggregators of the pools of the mystical debt are also now long gone and what remains are a handful of major servicers, government sponsored, corrupt and unregulated criminal debt collectors that are trying to re-convert the mystical magical paper into real mortgages or real fixed assets again that might take them out of the mystical, magical realm and turn them into real money for the institutions.
The subprime pooling and packaging industry was an unfettered, unregulated orgy of greed, incompetence and corruption that led directly to the financial collapse of 2008. No one in the industry was punished in the least bit, not one tiny bit for an industry that was totally out of control. To the contrary, the executives, the traders, the attorneys, the Fat Cats that got us into the mess were all rewarded handsomely for all the crimes and deceit. And the rewards continue today as we rush headlong into the Real Collapse of the American Economy that’s coming in 2011.
Remember my first comment, “Everybody, and I mean Everybody now knows that the entire American subprime mortgage market is a scheme to rob the American people?” Well, in recent testimony before a Congressional panel, the details of the most current aspects of the criminal enterprise are revealed with staggering details:
The federal government is pumping billions of dollars into the criminal servicers who are simply pocketing the money, in many cases improperly, with no accountability to the American people.
I’m just a simple, small town lawyer but what I see on the ground level is exactly what is admitted among and between all the big shots, elected leaders and Wall Street Fat Cats. The Assignments, Affidavits, Endorsements and claims of ownership are lies, fabrications and at best guesses and estimates. (We don’t know who really owns your mortgage, but we’re going to take it anyway.) Our local judges should care about details like real claims to ownership and preventing widespread, systemic fraud and abuses and mega corporations receiving billions of dollars they are not entitled to. Our judges should be looking at the bigger pictures and reading exchanges like the following and understanding that they not only have the power to right the wrongs that are happening to their neighbors and the Amercian people as a whole, but that they have a sacred Constitutional obligation to stop these abuses. Our judges are on the front lines and they hear the stories from struggling consumers who are lied to and abused by servicers. Our judges hear the stories everyday of homeowners who have filled out the endless and conflicting forms only to be shot down, shut out and kicked aside. Our judges, more than anyone else through their interactions with the victims of the servicers have the unique ability to put these statements into their sickening context:
“How do we know that people who don’t have good liens aren’t getting public money essentially under the false pretense that they have a good lien?” Silvers asked Caldwell.
“Again, we don’t,” was her reply. “Our focus at this point has been on…”
Silvers quickly stopped her. “Hold it,” he said. “That’s the issue.” He added that he hoped Treasury “would be diligent” in trying to answer “what’s potentially at play — are servicers and banks getting public money under false pretenses? We ought to try to figure out whether that’s true or not,”
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Countrywide settlement pays fraction to investors – Shell Game Continues
EDITOR’S NOTE: The shell game continues. While the media picks up stories about “settlements” giving rise to the presumption that Countrywide Home Loans and Bank of America and the rest of the securitization players committed various violations of statutes, duties, rules and regulations, the main point gets lost. Where is this money going and WHY? What is the tacit or express admission in paying that money and what effect does it have on the average homeowner sitting with a loan whose obligation is being paid in these settlements?
Think about it. If Bank of America, which now owns Countrywide, is paying “fractions” to investors who purchased mortgage bonds then who is it that owns the underlying mortgages and loans? Did Bank of America pay the investors do it under a reservation of rights (subrogation) to enforce the underlying loans? If not, then why are they foreclosing? All evidence is to the contrary. There is no subrogation under these purchases, insurance, credit default swaps or any other contract — not that I ever saw and not that my sources in the industry tell me was ever even contemplated much less executed. The same holds true for all those bonds the Federal Reserve is holding.
If Bank of America is paying “fractions” to investors who purchased mortgage bonds, why was it a fraction? Is it because the value of the bond was much lower than the price paid by the investor? Is it just a convenient settlement? Or is it because the investors have also received funds from other sources?
This is what I am referring to when I address “factual constipation.” How are these payments being allocated? Did the owners of the bonds actually have any definable interest in the underlying mortgage loans? If they did, why are these payments not being allocated to the obligations or payments due under those underlying mortgage loans? If they didn’t, why did they get paid anything? How will we ever know without getting a full accounting from all the parties that claim some stake or ownership interest or receivable interest in me is underlying mortgage loans?
It is black letter law as well as common law dating back centuries that nobody can collect the same debt more than once. If they do collect more than once there is a clear right of action by the borrower to collect the excess payment through a lawsuit for unjust enrichment, breach of contract and other causes of action. Here we have an intentional act designed to collect the same debt multiple times. In my opinion this does not merely indicate the presence of an action for fraud, it clearly shows an interstate pattern of racketeering that at one time in our history had the Department of Justice and the FBI busy putting people in jail.
Only in America where the news has turned into an entertainment blitz used by those with the most power and the most money to get their message across, even if it is a total lie. Somehow many if not most people have the impression that the borrowers and the securitized mortgages executed between 2001 and 2009 are not entitled to the relief that any other debtor is entitled to receive––that is the obligation has been reduced for any reason, the borrowers should get credit and if any party receives money in excess of the net amount due after credits, the creditor becomes the debtor owing money to the former borrower.
The bullet point that is being used to distort the perception of our citizens and policymakers is that these borrowers should not get a “free house.” Without getting a full accounting from all parties that advanced funds to and from the original investors who purchased mortgage bonds or collateralized debt obligations and related hedge products, there is no way of knowing the amount of the credit which is due to the borrower. Yes, it is possible that the amount received by the various intermediaries in the securitization chain exceeded the original obligation due from the borrower.
In that case, the borrower owes nothing to the originating lender or the successors to that lender. But if there is still a class of investor or institution that can prove a loss resulting from the nonpayment of the obligation by the borrower (as opposed to non-payment from other parties in the securitization chain) then the law allows that party to recover the loss from those that caused it. That probably includes the borrower, which means that we are not seeking a free house, we are seeking a truthful accounting.
BUT the fact that this obligation theoretically exists does not mean and never did mean under any legal decision in existence that the obligation should be paid to anybody who claims it. By all substantive and procedural law, the obligation is payable to one who proves the obligation and to one who proves it is owed to them and nobody else.
Yet in the view of many judges the challenge by the borrower is viewed as a delay tactic or an attempt to use technical deficiencies to a gain a free house on a lawn that the borrower sought but could not pay. No doubt this is true in some cases. But in nearly all the cases, armies of salespeople using names like “loan expert” pounded on doors and rang the phones of people who had no thought of borrowing money on homes, in many cases, that were debt-free and had been in the family for generations. Now many of those homes are bank owned property.The simple question that needs to be posed to anyone who looks at the borrower as anything other than a victim is which is more likely? Did the owners of 20 million homes enter into a conspiracy to defraud the financial system, half society and our taxpayers? Did these people have the sophistication, education, knowledge, experience or training to pull off such a caper? Or is it more likely that the Wall Street titans stepped over the line and instead of increasing liquidity for the benefit of consumers and small businesses, used their position to deplete the resources of unsuspecting citizens, pension funds, financial institutions and governmental units from the top federal levels down to the smallest local geographical areas?
By ALAN ZIBEL (AP) – Aug 3, 2010
WASHINGTON — Former shareholders of fallen mortgage giant Countrywide Financial Corp. are in line to recoup a fraction of their investments now that a Los Angeles judge has approved a settlement worth more than $600 million settlement.
The payoff doesn’t come close to compensating for the money lost by investors. But it could prompt more lenders to settle legal disputes at the center of the housing bust.
Bank of America, which bought Countrywide two years ago, agreed to pay $600 million to end a class-action case filed against the company. KPMG, Countrywide’s accounting firm, will pay $24 million.
Several New York pension funds who served as lead plaintiffs alleged that Countrywide hid how risky its business had become during the housing market’s boom years. Calabasas, Calif.-based Countrywide was once the nation’s largest mortgage lender.
The agreement stands to return about 40 cents per share of Countrywide’s common stock, before legal fees and expenses. Consider that the stock peaked at $45 a share in February 2007, before the financial crisis. So an investor who held 100 shares could bank on receiving $40 for an investment that was once worth $4,500.
Shareholders did receive 0.1822 shares of Bank of America’s stock for each share of Countrywide they owned when Bank of America acquired Countrywide. That worked out to about one share for every 5.5 shares of Countrywide stock. Shares of Bank of America closed at $14.34 on Tuesday. So that same 100 shares of Countrywide would be worth about $261 today in Bank of America stock.
Add the $40 from the settlement and those shares are now worth little more than $300.
Lawyers for the pension funds are requesting $56 million, or 4 cents per share, for fees and other costs.
Investors “will be compensated for a significant portion of the legal damages that they suffered as a result of what we believe was a violation of the securities laws,” said Joel Bernstein, a lawyer for the pension funds. “They won’t be compensated for every penny of that.”
Bank of America has been trying to put Countrywide’s legal problems behind it. In June, the Charlotte, N.C.-based company agreed to pay $108 million to settle the Federal Trade Commission’s charges that Countrywide collected outsized fees from about 200,000 borrowers facing foreclosure.
It reached a settlement Monday primarily to keep legal fees from escalating, a bank spokeswoman said.
“Countrywide denies all allegations of wrongdoing and any liability under the federal securities laws,” said Shirley Norton, a spokeswoman for Bank of America. “We agreed to the settlement to avoid the additional expense and uncertainty associated with continued litigation.”
Plaintiffs attorneys have pursed lawsuits against numerous lenders and investment banks in the wake of the housing market’s devastating downturn, and the Countrywide settlement could encourage even more such cases, said Paul Hodgson, a senior research associate at The Corporate Library, an independent corporate governance research firm.
“There are a lot of suits out there waiting to get launched,” Hodgson said. “I think this is the opening of the floodgates.”
Former Countrywide CEO Angelo Mozilo, former President David Sambol, former CFO Eric Sieracki and former board members were named in the litigation but are not contributing to the settlement.
But it does not end their legal problems. More than a year ago the Securities and Exchange Commission brought civil fraud charges against Mozilo and the two other former executives. Mozilo, the most high-profile individual to face charges from the government in the aftermath of the financial crisis, has denied any wrongdoing.
For Countrywide, “This is only a chapter and not the end of the book,” said John Coffee, a securities law professor at Columbia University.
Filed under: bubble, CASES, CDO, CORRUPTION, education, evidence, expert witness, foreclosure, foreclosure mill, foreign relations, GTC | Honor, HERS, investment banking, Investor, MODIFICATION, Mortgage, Servicer, trustee Tagged: ALAN ZIBEL, AP, Bank of America, countrywide, Joel Bernstein, KPMG, New York pension funds
NON-DISCLOSURE DETAILS FROM THE OTHER SIDE
ONE MORE QUESTION TO ASK IN DISCOVERY: WHAT ENTITIES WERE CREATED OR EMPLOYED IN THE TRADING OF MORTGAGE BONDS, CDO’S, SYNTHETIC CDO’S OR TOTAL RETURN SWAPS (NEW TERM)?
EDITOR’S COMMENT: LOUISE STORY, in her article in the New York Times continues to dig deeper into the games played by Wall Street firms. You’ll remember that the executives of the major Wall Street firms were spouting off the message that the risks and consequences were unknown to them. They didn’t know anything was wrong. Maybe they were stupid or distracted. And maybe they were just plain lying. The risks to these fine gentlemen and their companies are now enormous. If the veil of non-disclosure (opaque, in Wall Street jargon) continues to be eroded, they move closer and closer to root changes in Wall Street and both criminal and civil liability. It also leads inevitably to the conclusion that the loans and the bonds were bogus.
Yes it is true that money exchanged hands — but not in any of the ways that most people imagine and not in any way that was disclosed as required by TILA, state law, Securities Laws and other applicable statutes, rules and regulations. They continue to pursue foreclosure principally for the purpose of distracting everyone from the truth — that the transactions were wrong in every conceivable way and they knew it.
If there was nothing wrong with these innovative financial products why were they “off-balance sheet.” If there isn’t any problem with them now, then why can’t they produce an accounting, like any other situation, and say “this person borrowed money and didn’t pay it back. We will lose money if they don’t — here is the proof.” If everything was proper and appropriate, then why are we seeing revealed new entities and new layers of deception as Ms. Story and other reporters dig deeper and deeper?
The answer is simple: they were hiding the truth in circular transactions that were partially off balance sheet and partially on. I wonder how many borrowers would be charged with fraud for doing that? Now, thanks to Louise Story, we have some new names to research — Pyxis, Steers, Parcs, and unnamed “customer trades. They all amount to the same thing.
The bonds and the loans claimed to be attached to the bonds were being bought and sold in and out of the investment banking firm that created them. If they produce the real accounting the depth and scope of their fraud will become obvious to everyone, including the Judges that say we won’t give a borrower a free house. What these Judges are doing is ignoring the reality that they are giving a free house and a free ride to companies with no interest in the transaction. And they are directly contributing to a title mess that will take decades to untangle.
August 9, 2010Merrill’s Risk Disclosure Dodges Are Unearthed
By LOUISE STORY
It was named after a faint constellation in the southern sky: Pyxis, the Mariner’s Compass. But it helped to steer the mighty Merrill Lynch toward disaster.
Barely visible to any but a few inside Merrill, Pyxis was created at the height of the mortgage mania as a sink for subprime securities. Intended for one purpose and operated off the books, this entity and others like it at Merrill helped the bank obscure the outsize risks it was taking.
The Pyxis story is about who knew what and when on Wall Street — and who did not. Publicly, banks vastly underestimated their exposure to the dangerous mortgage investments they were creating. Privately, trading executives often knew far more about the perils than they let on.
Only after the housing bubble began to deflate did Merrill and other banks begin to clearly divulge the many billions of dollars of troubled securities that were linked to them, often through opaque vehicles like Pyxis.
In the third quarter of 2007, for instance, Merrill reported that its potential exposure to certain subprime investments was $15.2 billion. Three months later, it said that exposure was actually $46 billion.
At the time, Merrill said it had initially excluded the difference because it thought it had protected itself with various hedges.
But many of those hedges later failed, and Merrill, the brokerage giant that brought Wall Street to Main Street, soon collapsed into the arms of Bank of America.
“It’s like the parable of the blind man and the elephant: you had some people feeling the trunk and some the legs, and there was nobody putting it all together,” Gary Witt, a former managing director at Moody’s Investors Service who now teaches at Temple University, said of the situation at Merrill and other banks.
Wall Street has come a long way since the dark days of 2008, when the near collapse of American finance heralded the end of flush times for many people. But even now, two years on, regulators are still trying to piece together how so much went so wrong on Wall Street.
The Securities and Exchange Commission is investigating whether banks adequately disclosed their financial risks during the boom and subsequent bust. The question has taken on new urgency now that Citigroup has agreed to pay $75 million to settle S.E.C. claims that it misled investors about its exposure to collateralized debt obligations, or C.D.O.’s.
As Merrill did with vehicles like Pyxis, Citigroup shifted much of the risks associated with its C.D.O.’s off its books, only to have those risks boomerang. Jessica Oppenheim, a spokeswoman for Bank of America, declined to comment.
Such financial tactics, and the S.E.C.’s inquiry into banks’ disclosures, raise thorny questions for policy makers. The investigation throws an uncomfortable spotlight on the vast network of hedge funds and “special purpose vehicles” that financial companies still use to finance their operations and the investments they create.
The recent overhaul of financial regulation did little to address this shadow banking system. Nor does it address whether banking executives should be required to disclose more about the risks their banks take.
Most Wall Street firms disclosed little about their mortgage holdings before the crisis, in part because many executives thought the investments were safe. But in some cases, executives failed to grasp the potential dangers partly because the risks were obscured, even to them, via off-balance-sheet programs.
Executives’ decisions about what to disclose may have been clouded by hopes that the market would recover, analysts said.
“There was probably some misplaced optimism that it would work out,” said John McDonald, a banking analyst with Sanford C. Bernstein & Company. “But in a time of high uncertainty, maybe the disclosure burden should be pushed towards greater disclosure.”
The Pyxis episode begins in 2006, when the overheated and overleveraged housing market was beginning its painful decline.
During the bubble years, many Wall Street banks built a lucrative business packaging home mortgages into bonds and other investments. But few players were bigger than Merrill Lynch, which became a leader in creating C.D.O.’s
Initially, Merrill often relied on credit insurance from the American International Group to make certain parts of its C.D.O.’s attractive to investors. But when A.I.G. stopped writing those policies in early 2006 because of concerns over the housing market, Merrill ended up holding on to more of those pieces itself.
So that summer, Merrill Lynch created a group of three traders to reduce its exposure to the fast-sinking mortgage market. According to three former employees with direct knowledge of this group, the traders first tried sell the vestigial C.D.O. investments. If that did not work, they tried to find a foreign bank to finance their own purchase of the C.D.O.’s. If that failed, they turned to Pyxis or similar programs, called Steers and Parcs, as well as to custom trades.
These programs generally issued short-term I.O.U.’s to investors and then used that money to buy various assets, including the leftover C.D.O. pieces.
But there was a catch. In forming Pyxis and the other programs, Merrill guaranteed the notes they issued by agreeing to take back any securities put in the programs that turned out to be of poor quality. In other words, these vehicles were essentially buying pieces of C.D.O.’s from Merrill using the proceeds of notes guaranteed by Merrill and leaving Merrill on the hook for any losses.
To further complicate the matter, Merrill traders sometimes used the cash inside new C.D.O.’s to buy the Pyxis notes, meaning that the C.D.O.’s were investing in Pyxis, even as Pyxis was investing in C.D.O.’s.
“It was circular, yes, but it was all ultimately tied to Merrill,” said a former Merrill employee, who asked to remain anonymous so as not to jeopardize ongoing business with Merrill.
To provide the guarantee that made all of this work, Merrill entered into a derivatives contract known as a total return swap, obliging it to cover any losses at Pyxis. Citigroup used similar arrangements that the S.E.C. now says should have been disclosed to shareholders in the summer of 2007.
One difficulty for the S.E.C. and other investigators is determining exactly when banks should have disclosed more about their mortgage holdings. Banks are required to disclose only what they expect their exposure to be. If they believe they are fully hedged, they can even report that they have no exposure at all. Being wrong is no crime.
Moreover, banks can lump all sorts of trades together in their financial statements and are not required to disclose the full face value of many derivatives, including the type of guarantees that Merrill used.
“Should they have told us all of their subprime mortgage exposure?” said Jeffery Harte, an analyst with Sandler O’Neill. “Nobody knew that was going to be such a huge problem. The next step is they would be giving us their entire trading book.”
Still, Mr. Harte and other analysts said they were surprised in 2007 by Merrill’s escalating exposure and its initial decision not to disclose the full extent of its mortgage holdings. Greater disclosure about Merrill’s mortgage holdings and programs like Pyxis might have raised red flags to senior executives and shareholders, who could have demanded that Merrill stop producing the risky securities that later brought the firm down.
Former Merrill employees said it would have been virtually impossible for Merrill to continue to carry out so many C.D.O. deals in 2006 without the likes of Pyxis. Those lucrative deals helped fatten profits in the short term — and hence the annual bonuses paid to its employees. In 2006, even as the seeds of its undoing were being planted, Merrill Lynch paid out more than $5 billion in bonuses.
It was not until the autumn of 2007 that Pyxis and its brethren set off alarm bells outside Merrill. C.D.O. specialists at Moody’s pieced together the role of Pyxis and warned Moody’s analysts who rated Merrill’s debt. Merrill soon preannounced a quarterly loss, and Moody’s downgraded the firm’s credit rating. By late 2007, Merrill had added pages of detailed disclosures to its earnings releases.
It was too late. The risks inside Merrill, virtually invisible a year earlier, had already mortally wounded one of Wall Street’s proudest names.
Filed under: bubble, CASES, CDO, CORRUPTION, evidence, expert witness, foreclosure, foreclosure mill, foreign relations, GTC | Honor, HERS, inflation, investment banking, Investor, Mortgage, Motions, Pleading, trustee Tagged: Custom trades, HERS, Louise Story, Ny Times, Parcs, TOTAL RETURN SWAPS
WSJ: GOLDMAN CONTINUES TO PROFIT FROM DERIVATIVES
Editor’s Note: It’s important to remember that “derivatives” “derive” their value from something other than the paper it is written on. One must wonder how the real stuff is going down in value (mortgage bonds, mortgage loans and “real” collateralized debt obligations) while the fake stuff is producing profits. This is what I mean by the grand illusion. If we don’t address it, we can’t fix it.
GOLDMAN DERIVATIVES MADE UP 25% TO 35% OF 2009 REVENUES
By LIZ RAPPAPORT
Goldman Sachs Group Inc. told the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission that 25% to 35% of its revenue comes from derivatives-based businesses, according to a person familiar with the situation.
The figures are part of Goldman’s response to a request by the panel to disclose information about its derivatives holdings and operations. Derivatives have been blamed for exacerbating the credit crisis, and Goldman has faced scrutiny from the FCIC for its derivative contracts with American International Group Inc., the insurer bailed out by the U.S. government.
A memo sent to the panel Thursday night by the New York company included an analysis of derivatives-based revenue at Goldman from 2006 through 2009, said the person familiar with the matter. Based on the percentages provided by Goldman, such businesses generated $11.3 billion to $15.9 billion of the company’s $45.17 billion in net revenue for 2009.
An FCIC spokesman wouldn’t immediately confirm that the panel has received the information from Goldman or any other firm. “We’ve asked for the same information from several banks,” the spokesman said. “They have all indicated they are working hard to provide that information to us. If we need additional information, we will ask for it.” The 10-person commission is required by Dec. 15 to issue a report on the causes of the financial crisis.
Goldman’s analysis reflects all derivatives products, ranging from credit to equity to interest rates, traded on and off exchanges, said the person familiar with the situation.
Goldman said it doesn’t conduct its businesses in a way that delineates revenue from derivatives transactions or other types of trading, this person said.
For example, Goldman cited credit-trading desks that are separated by industry group, adding that traders are indifferent to whether they are selling clients a bond or a credit derivative. As a result, separating the revenue among the two product lines is useless, Goldman told the FCIC. The firm also said its technology systems firm-wide don’t single out derivatives transactions.
The analysis was based on a “best guess” of the main type of trading on each Goldman trading desk at the firm, said the person familiar with the matter. The numbers vary widely, with the company’s fixed-income unit getting much more of its revenue from derivatives than investment banking, where no revenue is tied to derivatives.
Write to Liz Rappaport at liz.rappaport@wsj.com
Filed under: foreclosure
Mortgage Securities It Holds Pose Sticky Problem for Fed
STICKIER THAN THEY THINK: These are not the only mortgage securities they hold and they all amount to ownership of the risk on every loan they purchased. The purchase of course was accomplished in one of many ways — direct and indirect.But when you come down to it, between the GSE’s (which are now departments of the Federal Government), TARP, and the outright purchase by the Fed, SOMEONE received 100 cents on the dollar for every loan, whether in default or otherwise.Add in insurance, credit default swaps and credit “enhancements” (i.e., commingling of money contrary to the explicit terms of the borrowers’ promissory notes) like over-collateralization and cross collateralization, it would be a fair statement to say that everyone of the mortgages CLAIMED to be in pools that were subject to various securitization instruments, have been paid in whole or in part.THAT IS WHAT I MEAN BY THIRD PARTY PAYMENTS. The legal issue is who got the money and why? The practical impact is that if those payments were related to individual mortgages, which indeed they must have been, then they were received into what should have been an escrow account and allocated to each loan.Now add the fact that very nearly NONE of the loans were in fact the subject of an actual assignment, recorded instrument, endorsement or delivery while they were performing and before the cutoff date in the securitization enabling documentation, and you really have an interesting conclusion: the loans never made it into the pool, which makes securitization a giant Ponzi scheme that paid investors long enough out of their own money to lend credibility to the scheme.But it is also true that borrowers made payments and where those went, and in what amounts is a clouded mystery because every lawsuit I know of that has asked for the accounting is stalled. So with nothing in the pools, nothing in the mortgage bonds, and the CDO’s based upon the mortgage bonds, and the credit default swaps referencing the mortgage bonds, and the synthetic CDOs consisting of CDS instruments referring to the mortgage bonds, they were all worthless from beginning to end. In short, the government bought nothing from bankers who had already made a ton of money, most of it parked off-shore.The real reason the government can’t sell these securities is that nobody will pay for them. Any due diligence down to the loan level will reveal that the loans were never subject to legally required execution, delivery and recording of transfer or assignment documents, together with indorsements etc. In some cases, this is correctable — at considerable legal expense. In most cases, they are not correctable. The bottom line is really simple: the obligation was created, the note was extinguished, and the security instrument became unenforceable, and separated from the note. The illusion that it is otherwise is what is keeping us in stagnation, preventing a solution.
Mortgage Securities It Holds Pose Sticky Problem for Fed
By BINYAMIN APPELBAUM
WASHINGTON — The Federal Reserve provided most of the money for new mortgages in the United States last year, effectively lending more than $1 trillion to American homeowners.
Now the legacy of that extraordinary intervention is hanging over the central bank as it faces growing demands for an encore to help revive the flagging economy.
While officials and economists generally regard the program as successful in supporting the housing market, it has left the Fed holding a vast pile of mortgage securities — basically i.o.u.’s from homeowners — that it does not want and cannot sell.
Holding the securities could cost the Fed a lot of money and hamper its ability to fight inflation, while selling the securities could drain needed money from the still-weak economy.
Fed officials have expressed confidence that they can finesse the dilemma by gradually selling the securities as the economy starts to recover. But they are not eager to expand the challenge they face by beginning a new round of asset-buying, one tool the Fed could use to try to stimulate growth.
“In my view, any judgment to expand the balance sheet further should be subject to strict scrutiny,” Kevin M. Warsh, a Fed governor, said in a speech last month in Atlanta. He warned that new purchases could undermine the Fed’s “most valuable asset”: its credibility.
Some Democrats want the Fed to pump more money into the economy to help reduce unemployment, one of the central bank’s basic responsibilities. In testimony before Congress this week, Chairman Ben S. Bernanke said that the Fed retained that option, but did not now plan to expand on the steps it had already taken.
In part, Bernanke and other Fed officials say they believe that new asset purchases would be less effective now that private investors have returned to the market.
The Fed became one of the world’s largest mortgage investors because no one else was interested. During the fall 2008 financial crisis, investors stopped buying the mortgage securities issued by the housing finance companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. The two companies buy mortgages made by banks and other lenders, providing money for new rounds of lending, then package those loans into securities for sale to investors, replenishing their own coffers.
Two days before Thanksgiving 2008, the Fed announced that it would buy $500 billion in securities issued by the two companies. By the time the program wound down in March 2010, it had spent more than twice that amount. The central bank now owns mortgage securities with a face value of $1.1 trillion.
A wide range of economists say the Fed’s program — so big that purchases outstripped the issuance of new securities in some months — helped to preserve the availability of mortgage loans and helped to hold interest rates near record lows. Rates that exceeded 6 percent in late 2008 remain below 5 percent today.
But the Fed now must deal with the cleanup.
The central bank could hold the securities until the borrowers repaid or refinanced their loans. Brian P. Sack, an executive at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, estimated in March that borrowers would repay $200 billion by the end of 2011. And in the meantime, the Fed is collecting regular interest payments.
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HOW IS THIS MONEY REACHING THE FED? WHO IS GETTING PAID FOR HANDLING IT?
WHY IS NOT THE FED’S INTEREST RECORDED IN THE PROPERTY RECORDS OF THE COUNTY IN WHICH THE PROPERTY IS LOCATED (ANSWER — BECAUSE THEY DON’T HOLD THE SECURITY, JUST THE RECEIVABLE, CALLED “SPLITTING NOTE FROM MORTGAGE”).
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IF THE FED OWNS THESE LOANS WHY DON’T THEY SHOW UP AS A PARTY IN FORECLOSURES?
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WHO IS THE TRUSTEE ON DEEDS OF TRUST?
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WHO ARE THE BENEFICIARIES?
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WHO ARE THE MORTGAGEES ON MORTGAGE DEEDS?
“We’ve been earning a fairly high income from our holdings and remitting that to the Treasury,” Mr. Bernanke told Congress on Wednesday.
But holding the securities could make it harder to control inflation as the economic recovery gains strength, said Vincent Reinhart, the former head of the Fed’s monetary policy division, now a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute.
The Fed bought the securities by pumping new money into the economy, stimulating growth. It could be difficult to reverse that effect without draining the money from the economy by selling the securities, Mr. Reinhart said.
“They created reserves, and those reserves ultimately can be inflationary,” Mr. Reinhart said. “The chief risk of keeping the balance sheet big and raising rates is that you might not be able to raise rates successfully” because the impact would be mitigated by the effect of the extra money still sloshing around the system.
Holding the securities also could cost the Fed a lot of money.
The Fed paid some of the highest prices on record for mortgage securities, basically accepting very low rates of interest on its investments. As the economy recovers and interest rates rise, the Fed will need to accept increasingly large discounts to make the securities attractive to other investors.
David Zervos, head of global fixed-income strategy at the investment bank Jefferies & Company, estimates that the value of the portfolio will drop almost $50 billion each time interest rates increase by one percentage point.
Selling the securities at a loss would reduce the Fed’s ability to transfer profits to the Treasury Department. Large enough losses could reduce the amount of capital held by the Fed, although it can always create more money.
But perhaps the greatest risk is that investors will begin to doubt the Fed’s willingness to raise interest rates, knowing that each increase will damage its own balance sheet.
“It compromises their integrity and their inflation-fighting mandate, because fighting inflation would be a direct detriment to their portfolio,” Mr. Zervos said.
The Fed could avoid these problems by selling the securities now, before interest rates start to rise. But doing so would reverse the benefits of the original program, draining money from the economy while it still is weak. It would also fly in the face of the demands for the Fed to do more for the economy.
A fire sale also could damage the banking industry by driving down the value of the comparable mortgage securities that banks hold in large quantities.
So far the Federal Open Market Committee, comprising the board of governors and a rotating selection of presidents from the regional reserve banks, has chosen to wait.
The approach favored by most of the committee, according to the minutes of its June meeting, is to start raising interest rates before beginning to sell the securities. By waiting “until the economic recovery was well established,” the minutes said, the Fed would limit the impact of the asset sales on the broader market.
Filed under: bubble, CASES, CDO, CORRUPTION, evidence, expert witness, Fannie MAe, foreclosure, foreclosure mill, GTC | Honor, HERS, investment banking, Investor, MODIFICATION, Mortgage, Motions, Pleading, securities fraud, Servicer, STATUTES, trustee Tagged: BINYAMIN APPELBAUM, CDO, CDS, Federal reserve, loans, mortgage bonds, mortgage securities, SPLITTING NOTE FROM MORTGAGE
Proposal to Place AIG Into Receivership Would Lead to Disclosure of Inner Workings
Editor’s Note: This proposal would reveal what really happened during the lead-up to the mortgage meltdown. The receiver would first take an objective inventory of what AIG (with taxpayer dollars) paid and track the actual transactions instead of REPORTS of the transactions.
It would reveal the theme for this week, which is that the loans were never securitized, which means that the “losses” attributed to failing mortgage bonds were fabricated losses, entitling the receiver to claw back the money given to the investment houses.
It would also result in clarification of title: who owns the property that has already been “sold” at auction pursuant to foreclosure and who is the legal owner of the loan. It should become apparent that only the originating lender really owns those loans as they are the only entity entity on record. By dismantling the illusion of securitization, it would also reveal that the investment banks did NOT sell the loans but only pretended to do so by clever manipulation of the wording in the prospectus.
And it would head off the worst title disaster in the nation’s history which so far has not been addressed — the inability of anyone to sell property (i.e.,m deliver clear title) that has been the subject property in what was an illegal table-funded loan that was later claimed to be part of fictitious pools whose “assets” were used to sell worthless bonds to investors in the form of mortgage “bonds” that were never actually issued.
A.I.G.: The First Test of Financial Reform?
July 21, 2010, 2:00 pm
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Do the sweeping financial regulations that just became law give the government another tool to deal with the American International Group? If so, what if anything should the Treasury Department do with its new power?
More specifically, now that the government has obtained the authority to place systemically important financial companies into receivership, should the government use this procedure with A.I.G.? After all, former Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson Jr. has said that if he had been able to use that process in fall 2008, he would have used it. If not then, why shouldn’t the government act now?
About The Deal Professor
Steven M. Davidoff, writing as The Deal Professor, is a commentator for DealBook on the legal aspects of mergers, private equity and corporate governance. A former corporate lawyer at Shearman & Sterling, he is a professor at the University of Connecticut School of Law. He is the author of “Gods at War: Shotgun Takeovers, Government by Deal and the Private Equity Implosion,” which explores modern-day deals and deal-making.
The government appears to have this power with respect to A.I.G., although it would require some procedural hurdles and a determination that A.I.G. is technically insolvent.
First, A.I.G. would have to be put under the supervision of the Federal Reserve as a systemically important nonbank financial company. This can be done by a declaration of two-thirds of the members of the newly created Financial Stability Oversight Council upon their determination that A.I.G. could pose a threat the financial stability of the United States. Check. We have already found that to be true, to our regret.
A.I.G. would next have to be put into the resolution process. Because the largest subsidiary of A.I.G. is almost certainly an insurance company, the new financial regulations would require that two-thirds of the members of the Federal Reserve Board and the newly appointed director of the newly created Federal Insurance Office, in consultation with the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, agree to recommend this action to the Treasury secretary.
The Treasury secretary would then decide whether to put A.I.G. into receivership based on a seven-factor test that requires him to determine whether A.I.G. “is in default or in danger of default” on its obligations and “no viable private sector alternative is available.” Importantly, the definition of default here is quite wide and includes a situation in which “the assets of the financial company are, or are likely to be, less than its obligations to creditors and others” or A.I.G. has depleted all or substantially all of its capital.
Recent reports by the Government Accountability Office and the Congressional Oversight Panel have stressed that it is very unclear what exactly A.I.G. is worth, and it may be the case that A.I.G.’s assets are less than what the company owes the United States government for billions of dollars in bailouts. But this is a moving figure and the stock market currently assigns A.I.G.’s equity billions of dollars in value, mitigating against these assessments.
If A.I.G. were to be put into receivership, it would be unwound according to the process set forth in the bill. There is an expedited claims process and the government has the power to terminate all of A.I.G.’s derivatives contracts. (The holders would then be entitled to cash damages as creditors of the company.)
The assets of A.I.G. would first go to pay the United States government, then to wages up to $11,725 per employee and thereafter to pay senior and unsecured creditors, the senior executives and directors and finally A.I.G. shareholders.
If there is a shortfall of funds, the bill appears to provide authority for the government to recover any such shortfall through an assessment on the financial sector, although it is not entirely clear that this provision would apply to the government’s prior financial assistance since it was provided before A.I.G.’s entry into receivership.
The advantages of the resolution process is that it sets a clear path for ending A.I.G.’s plight. The company would be liquidated in an orderly manner and the United States government repaid from A.I.G.’s assets or, if the bill is interpreted that way, the financial sector.
In addition, this type of resolution would penalize those creditors of A.I.G. that remain from the time before the bailout. In particular, it would ensure that the government is paid ahead of the $43.9 billion in A.I.G. private debt that was estimated to be outstanding by the Congressional Oversight Panel in its recent report on A.I.G. It would also stop the bleeding at A.I.G.
Only last week, three Ohio state pension funds reached a $725 million settlement with A.I.G. related to prior allegations of securities fraud. Only $175 million was actually paid in cash by A.I.G. (the rest will depend on an unlikely-to-occur stock offering), but this is money that comes out of the ability of A.I.G. to repay the government for its bailout.
The disadvantages of this resolution process are at least threefold.
First, there is a problem that Prof. Jeff Gordon at Columbia Law School has highlighted with the entire resolution process. Placing a company into the resolution process may itself scare the entire market and throw the financial system into panic. This may be addressed in part by only putting the main part of A.I.G. and its subsidiary AIG Financial Products (the division that wrote the derivatives that destroyed A.I.G.) into receivership, leaving the main insurance companies out of the process. But still, this would be an undeniable blow to market confidence.
Second, a resolution process may not provide the greatest return to the United States without a financial assessment. In other words, putting A.I.G. into the receivership process may diminish its value and require yet further government support. In particular, if A.I.G. is put into the resolution process, it may render worthless the billions of dollars in equity currently attributable to A.I.G.’s common stock (although that may be in part attributable to market expectations that the government would willingly take a haircut on its debt) and cut off A.I.G.’s healthier subsidiaries from any access to private-sector capital markets.
The third disadvantage lies in the political ramifications. Does the Obama administration really want the headache of taking full control of A.I.G. and the charges of socialism that would come with it?
In the end, I admit that this is a bit of a thought experiment and that the government is unlikely to (or should) take these steps, because the process of dealing with the company appears to be working on an acceptable, if not optimal, level. But plotting an A.I.G. receivership also reflects some of the problems and advantages of the new resolution process.
At a minimum, the government should likely acknowledge reality and designate A.I.G. as a systemically significant nonbank financial company under the new financial regulations. But even here, I acknowledge that such a designation may make the market increasingly leery of A.I.G. and foreclose its ability to effectively recover.
Still, as the process with A.I.G. unfolds, this designation and resolution option is one that government regulators should keep in mind if the company’s financial situation significantly deteriorates. At least, it is an option that should be debated as to its merits and deficits. The government owes it to the taxpayers to keep all of its options open.
– Steven M. Davidoff
Filed under: foreclosure Tagged: A.I.G., financial reform, receivership, Steven M. Davidoff, University of Connecticut School of Law
WHAT IF THE LOANS WERE NOT ACTUALLY SECURITIZED?
Many questions are coming after yesterday’s post. The main point is that there is no paper trail because nobody wanted it. Up at the top of the “securitization chain” fabricated by the securitization documents, nobody was checking loans at the level of actually looking at the loan documents, so they never asked for the loan documents, much less any assignments, indorsements or evidence of delivery or transfer.
With nobody asking — no demand — for the paper trail, there was no reason to produce one. But there is another reason as well. In order to move the “assets” around into mortgage bonds, CDOs composed of mortgage bonds, credit default swaps (the equivalent of buying the bond if you sold a CDS) and synthetic CDOs composed of credit default swaps, total flexibility was needed to make sure that when called upon to do so, they could produce a clear chain of title.
That is why they used MERS as a cover for constant transfers, resales, and multiple sales. You must remember that MERS is neither the business record of any of the players nor public record. It is worthless as evidence since it is a virtually unsecured proprietary database that owns nothing, transfers nothing, never comes into possession of the documents, and never touches the money as a conduit or otherwise.
Thus the Achilles heal of the would-be foreclosers is that no paper trail exists on any loan. By that I mean, nobody, authorized or not, executed any assignments, endorsements, or transmittals for delivery of the loan documents. Nobody.
This is where the sleight of hand occurs. The securitization structure is established by the pooling and servicing agreement and perhaps the assignment and assumption agreement, and maybe even the prospectus to investors. As near as I can tell they never actually issued bonds except at the very beginning, circa the year 2000.
These were all book entries that were the only evidence of the lender receiving a non-certificated bond or ownership interest in the pool that was completely dependent upon the actual receipt of money arising from payments made in connection with mortgage loans. Those payments were from borrowers, insurers, etc.
So the securitization structure was established — but that is like building the outside of a house and never putting anything on the inside. Like a trust can be established, but if it is not funded — i.e., if nothing is actually put into it —- it might exist in the technical sense but the trust doesn’t own anything and therefore the Trustee has no duties to perform, and the “beneficiaries” actually exist but they don’t get anything.
What I am saying is that the mortgage mess is far simpler than what it appears.
The position of the borrower should be that he/she/they did business with XYZ Mortgage Inc. which for all times material to the life of the loan was the only record holder of an interest (as “LENDER”) in the security instrument (mortgage or deed of trust) and the only payee under the terms of the written evidence of the obligation (the note). That interest was never transferred in any manner, shape or form. And like one creative lender lawyer found out recently, courts will NOT recognize anything even smelling like an “equitable transfer.”
So where does that leave us? In the same place with a different focus than what I have been writing about up until now. The real parties are clearly identified at the closing of the loan. Different parties have flooded the room — substitute trustee, Trustee for the Pool, Servicer, Master Servicer, Trusts, Investors, etc.
Just like the era before securitization, a Bank might lend money to a person, then sell the loan to another bank. The new bank and the originating bank would both send the borrower a notice saying the loan had been assigned.
The assignment of the security instrument (mortgage or deed of trust) would be recorded, and the borrower would start making payments to the second Bank. In foreclosure, the second bank would have the loan documents, would have a full accounting from both banks, and would simply instruct the trustee to sell the property in non-judicial sale or instruct its attorneys to commence the foreclosure proceedings.
If the borrower challenged a non-judicial sale the second bank would produce the proof that it paid for the loan, and a full accounting, together with all the necessary paperwork including the recorded assignment, the original note etc.
If the second bank commenced a foreclosure suit it would attach as exhibits and plead allegations that the first bank originated the loan, then it was assigned, the assignment was recorded, the borrower was notified, etc. It would all be laid out nice and pretty ready for a Judge to rubber stamp it.
What I am saying is that the would-be forecloser must meet the same standards in the so-called world of securitized mortgages. The fact that they intended to assign and indorse, and deliver does not mean they did it.
If they didn’t do it, then they can’t enforce the debt or foreclose on the property. If they did, then they must produce the documentation and recording. There’s the rub.
They can’t produce the documentation without creating it for purposes of litigation. Each non-performing loan only has a demand for the paper trail if it is claimed to be in default, is in litigation, and the lawyer for the would-be forecloser needs something to show the judge. Each such loan transaction is THEN subject to an assignment that was created, fabricated and forged long after the cutoff date and possessing the single quality (being in alleged default) that makes it ineligible for assignment into a pool or to anyone without changes in the negotiability of the instrument.
So there is no assignment, indorsement or delivery and even if there was, there are provisions in every PSA that a bad loan will be replaced by cash or a “good” loan. This is what has pissed off so many judges now. every time a judge examines the paperwork it doesn’t add up. The Judge feels tricked and sometimes, like in Massachusetts they levy $800,000 fines against both lawyer and client (Wells Fargo) was misrepresenting facts they knew to be false.
So in the end you have two things. A “lender” (at the closing and on record) who isn’t owed anything because they got paid in full and have suffered no loss and a “lender” (the investor who purchased the MBS) who actually funded the loan and suffered a loss.
Of course you also have the borrower who has suffered a major loss through appraisal fraud etc. People forget that the borrower has paid money upon moving into the house or just by going into the closing. The presumption that there are borrowers with nothing invested in the house is dead wrong unless it was a completely fabricated loan using a dead person as the borrower.
The reason the lender/investors are not suing the homeowner is that they don’t actually have the paperwork to back it up. And they can’t get it. So they are suing the investment banks for appraisal fraud, securities fraud etc. The actual lender has elected their remedies, and perhaps they will pursue the borrowers under some equitable theories. But one thing is sure: the original obligation to the lender of record has been extinguished along with the security instrument (mortgage or deed of trust). None of the borrowers did this nor had any hand in the handling, creation or recording of the paperwork.
The fact that the securitization parties chose not to assign, indorse, deliver or record should not be rewarded by title to a house in which they have no investment based upon a non-existent loss. The borrower has money into the house even if there was no down payment. The securitization parties have nothing invested into the house and in fact, quite the reverse, were paid handsomely to create this mass illusion. Thus the only party seeking and getting a free house are those intermediary parties who neither funded nor bought the loan.
Filed under: foreclosure
Face to Face With Polished Wall Street Psychopathy
Face to Face With Polished Wall Street Psychopathy
Posted on June 25, 2010 by Foreclosureblues
Editor’s Note…Now here is something you won’t see in the mainstream media.
http://foreclosureblues.wordpress.com/
Tom Adams: Face to Face With Polished Wall Street Psychopathy (SEC Says that ICP Stole from My Old Company Edition)
Today, June 25, 2010, 8 hours ago | Yves Smith
By Tom Adams, an attorney and former monoline executive
When the financial crisis hit, I was in the direct line of fire. My company blew up very early in the crisis, giving me the dubious opportunity to see how bad things were going to get long before most of the rest of the world, including other banks, insurers, investors, administration officials or Federal Reserve members, were able to perceive the trajectory of the crisis.
After Lehman and AIG blew up, however, suddenly, everyone was talking about my industry and how horrible it was. I had already concluded that I had failed at the business I had worked at for over twenty years. I blamed myself for rationalizing taking credit risks that, with each passing month, were becoming more obvious and acute.
I was not alone in the many mistakes I had made. My competitors, including the largest and savviest banks and investors had made the same errors on an even grander scale. If you were to take them at the word, the highest ranking regulators, officials and economists had failed to anticipate the decline in home prices and its impact on mortgage bonds and, even worse, the impact of such declines on the US and global economy.
As this realization began to sink in, I began to wonder how I had made such mistakes. I began to look into the parties and transactions and the connections between them and what they knew, should have known or had no way of knowing. I pulled the loose threads of some questions I had about how the problems were so widespread and how so many people could have made such large mistakes.
The more I pulled on these threads, the more I discovered that much of what I thought I knew was based on things that weren’t really true. And by that I don’t mean assumptions about housing prices, I mean information people like me had been provided about specific deals by other parties to those transactions. While many of the failings of the structured credit market were due to unsound reliance on historical data, some were not mistakes in judgment but were the result of bad actors, misinformation and wrongdoing.
Over the past year, journalists, investigators and law enforcement officials conducted their own investigations into what went wrong in the financial markets. The veil was pulled back on actions of people like Magnetar, John Paulson and various banks such as Goldman Sachs. While some of these parties have managed to stay within the boundaries of the law, it’s become clear that the CDO market itself was filled with dubious participants, misaligned incentives and damaging activities.
Back in April of this year, Yves Smith and I suggested that some of the responsibility for the widespread failure of CDOs might lie with CDO managers. CDO managers were tasked with assembling the assets that went into CDOs and overseeing the transactions. While they failed miserably at creating successful deals, they have somehow managed to escape the wrath of the broader world. Large investment companies, such as TCW, Putnam, BlackRock and even Pimco, had assembled and managed CDOs backed by toxic mortgage bonds as had well-regarded banks such as Goldman, Merrill, UBS and Citibank.
Thanks in large part to the CDO managers own assertions of expertise, investors trusted in their ability to wisely select safe mortgage bonds while avoiding the increasing risks that were appearing in the mortgage market. By 2008 it was obvious that the faith that investors had in these highly skilled and highly paid managers was misguided.
After several months of analyzing the deals and participants in the market, I began to suspect that the CDO managers, had ample opportunity and motivation to knowingly or negligently contribute the collapse of the deals under their charge.
As jaded as I have now become, I must confess that I am still surprised at just how blatant and casual some of the thievery in the CDO market appears to have been. As an example, I look to the SEC’s complaint against a company called ICP. I met with the folks from this company many times and my former company insured a large transaction that they assembled. This week the SEC accused the company and its founder of defrauding my former company and AIG in the way they managed the transaction after it closed. The SEC accuses ICP of inflating the prices of bonds it sold to the CDOs and defrauding the investors in the transactions by manipulating the bond price data, violating the terms of the agreements and effectively stealing from the investors and insurers in order to line their own pockets. The actions of ICP helped offset their own losses and bad investment decisions (they purchased a $1.3 billion pool of mortgage bonds from the blown up Bear Stearns hedge funds at what they thought was a great bargain but what turned out to be overly optimistic prices).
ICP’s alleged manipulation of bond prices also, conveniently, helped them keep the deals in compliance with their triggers, which helped them wrongfully earn millions of dollars in fees at the direct expense of the bondholders. The bondholders and insurers on the deals suffered many millions of dollars in losses as a direct result of these alleged activities. Because AIG insured two very large deals from ICP, US taxpayers were ultimately on the hook for some these losses because the Federal Reserve bought the CDO bonds at par and placed them into the Maiden Lane transaction.
Over the course of diligence visits, meetings and dinners, I had formed the impression that the people at ICP were knowledgeable, smart and reputable. Mr. Priore, ICP’s founder, was held in high regard in the industry and occasionally spoke about his views on the market to reputable news organizations such as Bloomberg Television, the New York Times and Reuters. He was listed by Investment Dealers Digest magazine as one of the 40 under 40 worth watching. So not only was I completely taken in by his knowledge and interpersonal skills, so were many others. In fact, given his sterling reputation, voicing suspicion of him would have been seen as paranoia rather than well founded skepticism.
The CDO transactions at issue in the SEC complaint were not structured as speculative, risky bets on the housing market. The deals were backed by a pool of AAA-rated mortgage bonds (by contrast, the overwhelming majority of CDOs contained much lower-rated assets). The CDO bonds to which the insurers took exposure had an additional cushion of protection in the amount of approximately 10% to create “super senior” AAA bonds. Nonetheless, within about a year, the super senior bonds were valued at about 60 cents on the dollar and required cash payments of about $2 billion by AIG and the Federal Reserve to make bondholders whole (see previous discussion of AIG and Maiden Lane amounts here: http://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2010/01/more-of-that-secret-maiden-lane-iii-transaction-level-detail.html).
As described in the SEC’s complaint, ICP stole from my old company and from AIG and caused millions of dollars of losses, the loss of many jobs, the misapplication of taxpayer funds and contributed to the destruction of the economy. They did so while smiling and shaking our hands, vowing to protect our interests and then asking about our children and our families. They did so while taking that money and paying themselves millions of dollars of misappropriated fees and bonuses, even as our companies ran out of money and struggled to understand why.
What is most interesting about the ICP case to me is not that the people involved were unusual or evil, but rather how common and normal they seemed. They seemed to be knowledgeable and reasonable people; above average, by my assessment of the industry. As the CDO manager was allegedly committing its fraudulent activities they probably believed that their actions were justifiable and, indeed, were a normal way to conduct CDO business. I would agree: their behavior was likely commonplace, not extraordinary, and part of the acceptable course of business.
Investors purchased CDO bonds based in large part on the expertise, experience and reliability of the CDO managers to create and manage safe bonds. As it turns out, investors were foolish to hold such beliefs. The CDO market was far more opaque than it appeared and the structures permitted far too much latitude and created far to many opportunities for the managers to line their own pockets at the expense of their investors. Following its complaint against ICP, the SEC may finally be uncovering the widespread, ordinary frauds that lurked behind the failed CDO market.
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Mortgage Bonds Rise Rates Could Follow
“Fannie and Freddie are on soaring. For five days in a row Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac mortgage securities have rose. Interesting the rise in mortgage bonds is not due to an increase in the mortgage refinancing and modifying but in a reduction in refinancing, well below the forecasted levels.”
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